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September
16, 2002
The Unit for the Promotion of Democracy
and The Department of External Relations
of the Organization of American States
and
The Center for Latin American Issues
at The George Washington University
Present
Reflections on the First Anniversary of the
Inter-American Democratic Charter
While September 11, 2001, will be remembered for the tragic terrorist
attacks in the United States, it should also be remembered as the
beginning of a new chapter in the commitment of the Western hemisphere to
the ideals of democratic freedoms. On that date, the members of the
Organization of American States (OAS) signed the Inter-American Democratic
Charter. Demonstrating an extraordinary confluence of political will, the
consensus achieved gave the Democratic Charter legitimacy seldom obtained
by multinational agreements. The signing of the Charter reflected and
institutionalized the fact that there is a collective responsibility for
supporting and deepening democracy throughout the Americas.
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President Toledo
addresses the conference.
Seated (l. to r.): OAS Permanent Council Chairman, Amb.
Roger Noriega; Secretary General Gaviria; Dean
Phillips; Assistant Secretary General Luigi
Einaudi,
Representative to the OAS |
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President Toledo addresses standing-room only |
On September 16, 2002, the OAS’s Office of External Relations and the Unit
for the Promotion of Democracy, in conjunction with the Center for Latin
American Issues at the George Washington University, hosted a conference
to celebrate the first anniversary of this document. The conference,
Reflections on the First Anniversary of the Inter-American Democratic
Charter, brought together a group of prominent officials from several
member nations of the OAS, highlighted by the comments of the Honorable
Alejandro Toledo, President of the Republic of Peru.
The half-day conference was comprised of two sessions. The first featured
an inaugural address by Dr. César Gaviria, Secretary General of the OAS,
and the keynote speaker, President Toledo. The second session consisted of
a prominent four-member panel, which discussed the significance,
applicability and the potential of the Charter. The panel included:
Heraldo Muñoz, Minister of Government, Chile; Eduardo Stein, President,
Foundation for the Americas; Barbara McDougall, President, Canadian
Institute for International Affairs; and Colin Granderson, Assistant
Secretary General, Foreign and Community Relations, CARICOM Secretariat.
Maria Elena Salinas, a news anchor at Univision, chaired the panel.
The mandate of the OAS for the promotion of democracy has evolved
considerably over the years. While the OAS had long been criticized for
its inability to react to authoritarian regimes and their often severe
human rights abuses, by the end of the Cold War the political will existed
to implement a long-standing commitment in support of democratic
development. As the political and economic pessimism of the 1980s gave way
to the optimism of the 1990s, member nations of the OAS signed into effect
Resolution 1080 in Santiago, Chile. With Resolution 1080, the OAS for the
first time joined its philosophy of support for democratic governance with
the need for action.
The Democratic Charter represents a new era in the hemispheric commitment
to democracy. A standard of international law has emerged which recognizes
that democratic governance is not an aspiration but a right, one that can
and must be defended. The Charter is a major achievement for several
reasons. It reaffirms the American nations’ conviction to democracy and
corrects some of the operational shortcomings of Resolution 1080. It
recognizes that economic and social development cannot be effectively
pursued in the absence of political freedoms. Most importantly, in a
marked departure from the past, the Charter calls on member states of the
OAS to act collectively, as a binding obligation rather than vague moral
duty, to combat threats to democracy.
The Democratic Charter comes at an especially important time. Recent
indicators suggest that general support for democracy has fallen in Latin
America in the past couple of years. According to Latinobarómetro, 60% of
Latin Americans are dissatisfied with democracy, while only 27% advocate
it. This level of support is lower than in Europe, Africa or Asia. Many
equate economic problems with democratic problems, and the failure of
economic policies is perceived to be a breakdown of democracy itself.
Along with economic crisis, globalization puts other pressures on
governments. As people see efforts and evidence of improving social
justice in other nations, they wonder why their nation does not measure
up. Some of the greatest challenges to democracy, noted President Toledo,
come from the less favored in society, who feel excluded from the
political process. “Poverty conspires against democracy,” especially when
the poor cannot find institutional channels to have their demands met.
Other threats to democracy noted by Maria Elena Salinas include illiteracy
and corruption.
The Democratic Charter focuses on three interrelated means to encourage
democratic development. The first is to actively promote democracy in all
member states of the OAS. This duty is an essential element of the
Charter, perhaps its most important provision. Supporting the development
of democratic institutions, such as strong political party systems and
parliaments, as well as citizen participation, is critical to deepening
and broadening democracy in the hemisphere.
Second, the Democratic Charter seeks to develop methods to prevent
undemocratic practices, in part by promoting cooperation among governments
and non-governmental organizations. As importantly, the Charter provides a
basis from which to develop a warning mechanism. As the Charter evolves,
it will go further with mediation and conciliation efforts, an area in
which the OAS Unit for the Promotion of Democracy has experience. Heraldo
Muñoz stated that while this mechanism exists informally at the moment, it
might be formalized in the future. In addition, he noted that the OAS
would most likely play only a partial role in an early warning system; the
press and such groups as Transparency International may be more effective
in this role.
Finally, the Democratic Charter discusses actions for the OAS to take in
defense of democratic regimes. If there is an unconstitutional disruption
in the democratic order, the OAS will pursue diplomatic initiatives in an
attempt to restore the democratic order. In case this fails, a member
state can be suspended from the OAS. Muñoz commented that, in the future,
the OAS response to disruptions in the democratic order might go even
further.
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Elizabeth Spehar,
Executive
Coordinator of the OAS, Unit for the Promotion of Democracy, addresses the
audience |
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The distinguished
panelists (l. to r.): Barbara McDougall,
President, Canadian Institute for
International Affairs;
Heraldo Muñoz,
Minister of Government, Chile; Maria Elena Salinas,
News Anchor,
Univision (moderator);
Eduardo Stein,
former Minister of Foreign Affairs,
Guatemala; Colin
Granderson, Assistant Secretary General, Foreign
and Community Relations, CARICOM Secretariat |
Some have criticized the Democratic Charter for being too imprecise,
because it provides no clear universally-applicable definition of
democracy. This imprecision is intentional. Rather than providing a list
of indications of when the Charter should be invoked, it is instead
dynamically conceived, focusing on processes of democracy rather than on
specific actions, noted Eduardo Stein. This factor is one of the most
significant improvements of the Charter over Resolution 1080. The latter
provided a legal basis for the OAS to take steps in response to very
specific anti-democratic actions, such as the 1992 autogolpe in Peru.
However, that same document left OAS member nations’ hands tied as
Fujimori moved slowly and steadily to dismantle the critical components of
democracy by buying important media outlets and by changing laws to gain
control over the judiciary and legislative systems, even as he maintained
the formalities of democratic procedure. Barbara McDougall asserted that
the Charter is a living document because democracy is a culture that is
lived and learned, not a strict set of rules.
Others worry about intervention per se, concerned that it may lead to
coercive actions, especially by the United States. Stein recognized this
concern, and noted that it exists both because of history and because of
the unfolding of current international dynamics. The response to these
concerns is not to avoid our obligation to support democratic development;
on the contrary, it demands the Democratic Charter’s emphasis on
collective responsibilities and processes.
Other complex challenges to democratic institutions are cynicism and
apathy. As moderator, Salinas asked the provocative question: How do we
motivate people to participate in democratic processes when there is a
lack of credible government? This is a fundamental issue, and one of the
goals of the Democratic Charter is to help governments develop credibility
by working with the express recognition from their neighbors that they
meet the basic criteria of democratic governance. At the same time,
McDougall noted that the role of bodies such as the OAS is necessarily
limited. The encouragement of the international community is critical for
democratic development, but it must be accompanied by internal action by
governments, non-governmental organizations and individuals. Only with all
of these components working together can we hope to make progress toward
more complete democracies, and ultimately to economic and social
development.
To view the symposium program schedule, click here
To view The Honorable Barbara McDougall’s remarks,
click here
To view Mr. Eduardo Stein’s notes, click here
All photos courtesy of OAS
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